Gasibu Square: Spirit of Riung Mungpulung

Whispers of Grass Roots

“Kaki-lima” – literally translated as “five legs”; is a name for widely range types of peddlers familiar to Indonesian. The name is taken from major cart type used to carry goods that has three wheels, added with two legs of the person who push it.  Mostly are food-selling peddlers and raw ingredients, it ranges also to art products or toys and heavy tools. Kaki-lima exists in every city in Indonesia as the most common, cheap choices for eat or shop. It is different from settled kiosks like those who sell newspapers, cigarettes or coffee. It goes around local neighborhood streets and alleyways, serves an area wide enough to make profit, but close enough to walk for a whole day. The ones selling foods and snacks or beverages usually come with particular sounds differs by the food they sell. Some of them settle in one open place, or place provided for them by the municipality or private owned properties; on particular schedule perfect for consuming the type of food they sell. They open a simple tent, and provide tables with long wooden seats or just plastic chairs for their customers.

They are small scale entrepreneurs, consumers as well as producers and sellers who work with their might and their own effort for life. Even in Jakarta, where the skyscrapers compete each other to reach the sky and tens of thousands cars dominate the streets, one must find lines of kaki-lima in the back of an office building, hospital, schools or fancy restaurants – in smaller streets and alleyways. They serve the low and middle class people, workers and drivers in busy Jakarta. But it doesn’t belong only to the low or middle class people. It is just common to find a street overcrowd by fancy cars and other vehicles parked in one side, while the owners stop to enjoy foods serve by these peddlers.

In today Indonesia and particularly in Bandung, they are not just a mere food sellers or cheap alternative to eat. Their existence invites people to come and forms a social interaction system on its own web. They are essential and needed, while sometimes also hated because of the problem they produce in urban spaces. People enjoy them once for a mere needs and alternative, and now also for leisure. Such a case is obvious in Bandung, where local weekend tourists come also for these spectacle and leisure; who provide them a cheap and satisfying culinary experience. Many of which are actually no longer small scale business owners. These successful kaki-limas are already middle class entrepreneurs with bigger business chain and stable income. They usually have cars or minivans to support their business, but they keep doing the selling in kaki-limas. Despite the fact that they don’t pay official taxes in this way, it is also because of the customers who are more eager to enjoy the food in those places. These places are famous “original” spots to the customers, and they are not tempted to follow the same peddler when they abandoned their carts.

These kaki-limas are producing culture in the urban life, a slowly-but-sure performers of the city that conduct habitual activities; a mass of grass roots that anchored its existence and become one of commodity in the city.

From Kaki-lima to Kaki Seribu[1]

“Here is where the real failure of postmodernity lies: in denying the power and control of cultural enterprises that silence oppositional voices and dismantle resistant positions.”~Christine M. Boyer~

One time in a square in front of Gedung Sate[2], something was emerging. It started with a kaki-lima, walking around the open square and sometimes stops on the pedestal for their customers. In a while, some of them settle during the day on the pedestal enclosed the square, serving cold refreshing water, juices or tea to groups of running people or children doing sport. Some of them later got inside the square, and walking around during the day or always come on particular times. When little success stories flow from mouth to mouth, other kaki-limas followed to bet their luck. There are fresh juices and tea, green beans soup or chicken porridge for morning runners. Cakes and fruits kaki-limas sometimes also be seen with those who sell soups, rames[3], or noodles during lunch time. Fried snacks kaki-limas are very common, and there are also some at night with seafood, fried rice or hot soups. One thing leads to another, until one day – it became a big weekend happening with thousands kaki-lima and thousands people from all part of the city. Kaki-lima has become kaki seribu.

"Kaki Seribu" outside Gedung Sate
personal collection

It covers a whole part of the square, along with its pedestal enclosed. It overflows the streets around and occupies the major roads for a whole morning until passes lunch time. The streets are closed, traffics are shifted, and traffic patrols are seen around the neighborhood. Most people come to eat, and then stay for leisure and shop. Men, woman, girls and boys, families, friends and couples slowly walk within a sea of people, with their eyes rolling through many directions for food, goods, and entertainments. A group of girls looking at piles of old books, a lady in turban bargaining with a toy kaki-lima, and a couple blocking a way while trying to fit a pair of shoes. The bright sunlight peeks through overlap tents, over people who try to walk their way inside the square – under the shade of stretched tents. Inside the square, a little boy is running for a ball, playing between kaki-limas, tables, seats and colorful umbrellas. A man on light blue sweater and jeans carrying a big sack on his shoulder, walk his way to the other side of the square. A tall, white flag pole stands between tents, with a passage leads to it from the middle. An old man sitting on a plastic chair under the shade of a tree, watching his grandson from afar with a bottle of cold tea on his hand. A lady in black walks with her camera ready, taking pictures and wandering around. Along the pedestal next to the stairs, lines of kaki-limas offer any kind of food. Their tents stretched to the street and up to the stairs, with people sit under it. Tables are full of served plates, and wooden seats full of people.

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Puffy white smoke of grilled sate-meat brings a typical savory aroma to the air, mixed with a limy caramel-like aroma when it touch a sleeve of banana leaf, in which it is served. Smell of melting cheese and chocolate from a cake cubit enliven the air, along with dense peppery soup of beef that comes with noodle in a bowl. A glimpse of solid and tangy smell of tires intertwines with a scent of lemony perfume below the fume. In the middle, where the tents meet it ends and some kids playing around, the scent of the burning sun flows, mixed with fumes from the sweaty grass. Once in a while, a singing voice comes with melodies of a guitar played by a street musician. The high tone of honking carhorns overlaps with low trembling drums of car’s machine. On one side of the square, a dokar marches on the street side by side with the cars, with clapping sound from the horse-shoe touching hard asphalt. People shouts in one corner, mumbling in other corner, fighting in bargain on one side, laughing in high tone on other side. It completed the whole lively scene with distinct and unique melodies.

Kaki-limas come from all over Bandung when it then became a weekly event. Not only them, but also people who enjoy the feast; they come from all over Bandung and some satellite cities around. There are also people from neighboring capital city, weekend tourists from Jakarta come in their curiosity. They come as customers, tourists, reporters, or spectators of the big feast. Low, middle or high class people, with any social status are gather in one place. Near streets are full of people, kaki-limas, along with parking cars, bikes, and motorbikes. It is a feast and a festival for the city, come and emerged “out of nowhere”. Thus when it became a habitual event, the square where the event happens became a place for it. The square is called “Gasibu”.

The transformation of spaces into places requires a conscious moment, which may subsequently be remembered as relatively routine

Spirit of Riung Mungpulung

Gedung Sate Compound, late 1920
collection of Bandung Heritage 

The name”’Gasibu’ first used in 1950, to change the name of the ‘abandoned’ Wilhelmina Plein - in front of Gedung Sate [Satay Building].  Planned for the replacement of the Palace while tried to move the capital city from Batavia [Jakarta now] to Bandung, Gedung Sate now is a Provincial Government and Representative Office of West Java. As a part of Gedung Sate compound, Gasibu field was built by the Dutch to complete the cosmology concept of the capital city[4]. It stands north to Gedung Sate, with orientation to the north – where people could see Mt.Tangkubanperahu on a straight line at the end. An Islamic and cultural centre was built to its east side. It is today a Museum of Geology and Islamic centre. Not far on the west, there is Bandoeng Techniche Hoogeschool (Now Bandung Institute of Technology) complex, with Ganesha Park attached. It is enclosed by two major roads: On its north lies Jl. Surapati, which now connected directly to Pasupati flyover that stretched from main highway on the west (connecting Bandung with Jakarta) and to Jl. Suci that leads to outer ring; the other one on its south is Jl. Diponegoro. Two other streets enclosed it on the west and east. (Note that a century before that, alun-alun was placed south to a major Grote Postweg that stretched along northern coast of Java.)

It is a place to do sports for people in the neighborhood, and a place for big entertainment events. It was a place for football association in Bandung, when it has its name around 1950. Stand in front of provincial government office, Gasibu has been used for flag ceremonies, sometimes as a space for military show and annual culture festival. It is now also a place for demonstration – as the space has a capacity to accomodate thousands or even tens of thousands people. No one has a clear understanding of when and how the weekly feast and flee market began to happen. It was not under a guided or organized way, and it is clear that it emerge from the grass root society. People gather in great mass in demonstrations or the weekly feast, just for leisure and mostly – just to eat. So why, why Gasibu? What make it possible to happen on this space, in that way? People who live in Bandung for enough time, or those who has sufficient knowledge on history of the city must recall upon similar thing happened long before, on different location and different time.

Grote Postweg near Alun-alun (late 1920)
collection of Bandung Heritage

Gedung Sate seen from Gasibu
personal collection, 2010

Labor day Demonstration
unknown source

The pictures show that back in 1920, what happen in Gasibu today had before seen in alun-alun Bandung. What does it mean? It remains an open question to read and theorize. but it surely suggests that Gasibu today plays the role of alun-alun Bandung, despite the fact that alun-alun  still exists as a name for other space. What makes it possible is something emerging from the needs of people. It can’t be read as tradition, since it does not have a conscious and organized start. It is a culture that formulates and gives power to the place. It is the spirit of “riung mungpulung”.

“Riung mungpulung: bari ngariung, urang mulung”

In times they gather in one place, with food

dishes and snacks, rice and vegetables,

water or tea, coffee and rice wine

placed in the center or distributed around

They eat, they chat, they laugh and tell stories

Old couple to their grandchildren,

Girls and boys, ladies to husbands

Neighbors to neighbors

priests, puun and caretaker

Eat and drink and tell stories,

From small groups to larger ones

From terraces to the sacred ground

---

[1] Thousand legs. [also Indonesian name for milipedes]

[2] Satay Building, a provincial government and representative office of West Java.

[3] Rice comes with different dish of cooked vegetables, meat or poultry. 

[4] Politically, it was for the means of indirect rule of the Dutch to direct the people perceptions. 

The Giant Mosque and its Large “Terrace”

Grand Mosque of Bandung
photograph by Ikhlasul Amal

In 2006, the last renovation of the grand mosque of the city completed.  “Grand mosque” of Bandung became “giant mosque” of Bandung. Two hyper-scale minareth added to the compound, and the extension of the entrance took almost quarter of alun-alun. Whole picturesque of the giant mosque doesn’t fit the human-eye view. The two minareth whipped down the scale of the old compound and dwarfed other surrounding buildings, beside also give a new skyline. It is now attached directly to alun-alun, with its front extension stands on a former western-street that enclosed alun-alun. As a result, there are some spaces: corners or just paved surfaces that became negative-unused space, due to its orientation to Mekkah. The orientation was never before a problem, because it was stand on as a separate entity from alun-alun, with the street as adjustment buffer. Old Swarha building which stands next to it on the north is a witness to the street take-over and the land expansion by the new giant. Once a prestigious commercial centre on the area, it is now an abandon heritage-tagged building with wide ineffective space on one side, a former part of the same street that had been taken over.

Undeniable, the new grand mosque has become a new landmark in the city; a new spectacle to see and a new commodity for tourism with its two minareth. But to alun-alun, the compound and further to the city, its last chosen face has also cause space enslavement and questionable meanings, as well as the late social problem in the surrounding because of negative spaces around and its influence to alun-alun as social urban space.

As a complete fabrication, casting a magical spell like the camera obscura, it set itself up as an authentic experience and covered all the contradictory of reality it failed to include. This was the art of spectacle, the city space and urban compositions that the visual image controlled.~Christine M. Boyer~

Alun-alun now is a terrace, a front yard of the mosque. It is no longer a large open ground, as the increasing capacity of the mosque has made the city municipal to add a parking ground as basement of alun-alun. It is now practically a green roof to mosque’s parking ground, that by chance still bear the name alun-alun.

Sometimes, all that remain of the past is a name – it becomes a connective space, the passage to other experiences.
~Christine M. Boyer~  

Alun-alun from above
photograph by Yusuf Maulana

"Front yard" of the grand mosque
personal collection

It is now a paved roof garden, with a big permanent fountain inherited from the time of new order - placed in the ‘middle’, which seems barely functioned in a year. Several wide flower benches placed in grids, as hard permanent furniture providing seats. There are stairs on corners lead to parking ground in the basement, and two openings for vehicles to enter the basement. More stairs added to it on three sides of it, lift it from the pedestal with double enclosure fences around. Black light poles with white glass covering the bulbs added to the grid, for ‘security’ and social reasons. Only several trees survived today, lines on the pedestal in two sides of alun-alun: one along Jl. Dalem Kaum and the other facing former Palaguna building on Jl. Alun-alun Timur on the east.

The newly decorated alun-alun is now only used during several mosque’s events like annual Aid’l Fitr morning prayer. It is barely visited by locals and tourists, no longer place for upacara bendera, neither for festivals. Peddlers gather all around the enclosures, where people come and use the pedestal as their social urban space. Thus it makes the enclosures a place for stop by, eat and chat; serves like terraces and expand the commercial area next by. These pedestals around alun-alun, especially one side on Jl. Dalem Kaum are now places for people; spaces open and free that serves like public space. But since it swarmed by “unpermitted” peddlers who occupied the pedestal and practically “gathering mass”; it contributes cause for traffic jam, takes the space provided for pedestrians, and sometimes becomes a place potential for drug dealers and pickpockets. Thus, the municipality consider it a problem, together with many other pedestal with peddlers and people; despite the fact that those peddlers are usually have their “given permit” by some particular municipal officers.  Alun-alun Bandung today only left a name to this space. It is a romantic name with memories and myths on people’s mind; a name that bears stories and history. 

The Shifting Alun-alun

Bandung: From “Paradise in Exile” to “Parijs van Java”

Located on former southern shore of Situ Hiang[1], Tatar Ukur (Land of Ukur) or Tatar Bandung on around 16^th century sits on a piece of land with mountainous terrain, dense forest and surrounded by active volcanoes. Mt. Tangkubanperahu and Mt. Burangrang stand far in the north, while Mt. Papandayan, Mt. Halimun, Mt. Malabar and Mt. Wayang being barriers on the south. Rivers flows through mountainous terrain,  little lakes squatters along the former bowl of old Bandung Lake, and little local settlement inhabited the land, as part of Karesidenan[2] Priangan with Cianjur as the capital. It was formerly a part of Mataram’s[3] vassal, hometown of Wangsanata (Dipati Ukur). Accessible through waterways on the rivers and little unknown paths inside the forest, it was closed and untouchable to those who is not familiar with it.

The Dutch “kumpeni[4]” called it “Negorij Bandong”, consider it as “terra incognita”, an unknown land potential to be rebels outpost because of its secure and secluded location[5]. It only exists in stories and news on the ears of the Dutch; until in 1712 Abraham van Riebeek came in quest for coffee and sulphur, and came back with journals and notes about the land’s potential. By mid 18^th century, kumpeni used the land as an exile place without knowing the true potential of the land. When many exiled people opened plantations or logging companies and became rich, the area then called “paradise in exile”. Proper land access to Tatar Ukur opened in 1786, connecting the area with Batavia[6], Bogor and Cianjur; benefited the coffee plantation and industry located in the southern slope of Mt. Tangkubanperahu.

When Hermann Willem Daendels build the “Grote Postweg” (Post Highway) along north coastal Java, Tatar Bandung was already a bigger settlement with agriculture industry namely Kabupaten[7] Bandung, with an old capital in Karapyak (Dayeuhkolot). The big infrastructure project then became a reason for movement of the capital to the location closer to it, since the former capital located around 11km from the highway. Along with it, a new compound was built, with a bridge across the River Cikapundung. This development resulted in the movement of Karesidenan Priangan’s capital city from Cianjur to Bandung decades later; to develop highland Priangan in effort of kumpeni to get out from economic crisis after the British invasion.

As a result, Bandung developed into a city with plantations and agriculture products; coffee, tea, and kina industries, logging companies or dairy producers, and many other. Coffee, kina and tea are the most valuable and abundant commodities, with hectares of plantations stretched on the highland mountainous area. 1884 the train rack was built, connecting Bandung with Batavia and Surabaya, it really helps the plantation development. “Preangerplanters”[8] are on their glory, in compete with fellow “suikerplanters”[9] from neighboring Central and East Java. In  By 1920, the city was known as “Parijs van Java” - “Europa en the tropen”; a vacation city accommodated the wealthy preangerplanters.  Hotels and estates were being built, as well as schools, cafes and restaurants. Buildings with distinct façades scattered all around the city, results of European influences in architecture; besides the fact that most architects during that period are those the Dutch. Commercial centres and cultural space placed in several vital points in the city, like the famous Bragaweg with Concordia building and Majestic theatre;  and Savoy Homann Hotel located just on historical Postweg. There, where the heart of the city beats with the crowded commercial area and festival places, Alun-alun Bandung stands as the center of Grote Postweg.   

Alun-alun Bandung and Inlandsch Bestuur

Dutch kumpeni maintained its anchored grip over Nusantara with an indirect rule system. Like ancient Indian merchants who trade with local chieftains in Nusantara; they established a strong relation with local aristocrats and administrators and then used them, as well as their political power to suppress and then take over control over region and its people. At the end, these local regents, wedanas, or camats ruled under the power of Dutch Governor General or resident. Inlandsch bestuur, is what they were called. They are pangreh praja to the local tongue; people who work for Dutch kumpeni. Thus, no new system needed to control over people; since the established system of late kingdoms was still firmly used. The administration levels with its heads are just one example of such system that remain exist and kept during Dutch colonization. This very system also applied to the spatial policy of cities and regencies, and so it applied to the development of Kabupaten Bandung.

Tempted and assured by its political power on the people, Dutch kumpeni included alun-alun in the movement of the capital, with the same compound planning of the surroundings. It placed north to the bupati’s pendopo (regent’s administration office with front yard), with city mosque on the West side following the late Islamic adjustment of the cosmology. It placed on the major road Grote Postweg, and enclosed by streets lead to market, bus station, commercial and cultural centre in the surrounding area. Prestigious commercial Bragaweg is on its east, crossed Grote Postweg and lead to central train station on the north. Around it, new buildings are added – a whole collection of art deco and Indies architecture. To make it perfect, kumpeni also placed an office of higher rank Dutch officer “Asisten Residen” on the higher hierarchical place on the north, completed the cosmology by deviated its orientation. This way, north orientation which considers sacred belongs to the Dutch, symbolizing its power over the land.  

The function of alun-alun was then being shaped to benefit the Dutch regime. Since it is no longer a place for rituals and ceremonies, it gradually became more profane place for people. It was then functioned more like civic centre; and by the end of Dutch regime it was more and more close to city plazas in Europe. It was used to celebrate festivals, competitions or entertainment for the wealthy Dutch tourist, as well as military rehearsal.

The most probable logic for the switching function of alun-alun during that time is perhaps related to two things. First, deviation of Dutch knowledge on the former cosmology that  being synchronized through time, following the more fluid islam influence during short period of Islamic era. Second, the concept of agora known in Europe for thousands years brought indirectly concept of democracy in plazas used as civic centre. Note that it is also wrong to see alun-alun on the same understanding as “square” in most of European cities. In contrast with square that being defined by the buildings enclosed it, alun-alun is a place that being defined by the activity of the people who use it. As the word “alun-alun” itself means wave, that despite it represent the sea which enclosed the land and symbolized harmony between the two; it also represent the wave of people – people gather in mass, the activity which defines the space and transforms it into place. 

Nationalism and Soekarno as Architect

“Kami menggoyangkan langit, menggempakan darat, dan menggelorakan samudera agar tidak jadi bangsa yang hidup hanya dari 2 ½ sen sehari. Bangsa yang kerja keras, bukan bangsa tempe, bukan bangsa kuli. Bangsa yang rela menderita demi pembelian cita-cita”  (“We shake the heavens, quake the earth, and wave the ocean so as not to become a nation who live only with 2.5 cents a day. A hardworking nation, not a nation of tempe, not a nation of labors. A nation who willing to suffer to purchase its dreams.”)
~Soekarno~

This kind of speech were often likely heard around 1945 to 1949. People stopped in warung kopi (coffee kiosks), houses, shops or stations, with radios tuned on waiting for it. Most of all, people are eager to come and gather with thousands, sometimes tens of thousands others in alun-alun just to hear the burns-spirited speech of Soekarno. Despite the economy crisis that swept the country during this period, and unfulfilled basic needs, people willing to stand for hours under the heat of the tropical sun and join the wave of the mass shouting and encourage for nationalism spirit burns by the president words. Nationalism and anti-colonialism as his main and principal conception being voiced and exclaimed by speech to the gathering mass, for at the same time integrated the power of physical revolution under his control. It was a direct, yet indirect campaign for developing the social, cultural and national identity of the early de-colonized state. It integrated the power of the mass, and confirming the legitimate power of new government.

“What seems to materialize is a regime that combine popular politics with high performances synthesizing elite monuments…. With the basic needs of the ‘people’ ~Abidin Kusno~ 

“How many times have the city, its architecture, and the theater been intertwined, for the theater is often a foil for the representations of public life, and a public space frequently is arranged as if for theatrical performance.”~Christine M. Boyer~

In particular times in vital cities all around the archipelago, alun-alun would looked only like sea of people, stands in crowd with Soekarno giving speech high on the built podium. For this means, lots of alun-alun being built in other cities; or being replace with a new and bigger one to mark new city center which could accommodate more people and represent a dignity in the city. As a bright politician and an architect, Soekarno was very aware of the power of integrated mass and the place that accommodate it. With sufficient and good understanding of history, he accentuated the political power of the place and transform the deviated meaning of alun-alun, and left behind the concept of civic centre or entertainment square.

Despite the fact that he eradicate two sacred banyan trees from his plans for alun-alun that represent divine aspect which support the legitimate order and power in early alun-alun, he replace the divine aspect with integrated people voice for a legitimation.

 “Soekarno represents the people, and the people are represented by the buildings and the city he created. ~Abidin Kusno~

Planned as a cultural and national identity, new alun-alun[s] were created to direct people expression towards nationalism and revolution. In some cities it takes a round shape, to stress the focal center point and thus determine a certain orientation. Location of alun-alun marks the city center, with city grand mosque, governmental office and cultural centre. Palangkaraya Great Roundabout, Hero Monument in Surabaya, or  Malang Roundabout are few examples of his planned development.[10]

 “Here, urban design is understood not simply as a method of representing cities in the post-colonial nation after the end of colonial rule, but is used rather as a technique for turning cities into fields of social, cultural and national identity production ~Abidin Kusno~

Gate to the Sacred Macrocosm

Under Tentaclic Arms of The Great Majapahit Empire

When a near neighboring state developed in the land of Tarik on the other side of the island, highland-culture Parahyangan people were settled under the ruler of Sunda kingdom; side by side with their coastal-culture fellow under the ruler of Galuh. Together they were known as Sunda-Galuh. The state were about 600 years old, with territory stretched from Sunda Strait to Cipamali and Serayu River. Despite the changing of ruler and territory expansion to the east, Sunda-Galuh inherited the whole system and faith from its predecessor: Salakanagara and Tarumanagara. For almost a century, they watched a young neighboring state grew to a kingdom of Majapahit, then expanded its territory beyond the sea and became a great empire. Stories and news of the strong prime minister Gajah Mada and the powerful fleets of Admiral Nala were like legends, spreads and flows from lower seashore into upper highland. In a century, a young neighboring state was already a great empire – with 98 tributary vassals stretched from Sumatera to New Guinea, Dharmasraya[1], Hujung Medini[2] and Temasek[3], including some regions in far land in the north.

As an empire with great dominion, Majapahit was like a giant mighty octopus with thousands tentacles fumbling around Nusantara[4]. To Sunda, Majapahit was  a very good far-vanguard ally; its mighty maritime fleets help to guard the region from faraway nations like Mongol, while also provides trade route and diplomatic relation. At the same time, it was always be a suspicious close neighbor; who could attack at any time possible. But until the end of its glory, Sunda was practically never been a colony of it. Yet, it is undeniable and unavoidable that Majapahit’s influence penetrates the living culture of Sunda during its reign. Like any other state that time and later, religion and places were used as political means in controlling mass and expanding territories; so as Majapahit with its Hindu-Buddha syncretism and formation of social place.  

Macrocosm, Microcosm, and the Shaping of Alun-alun

Surya Majapahit

In earth and water, fire and wind,

Space, mind and reason, into eight,

Adding the ego faculty

So does My nature separate

Bhagavad Gita 7:4

Other than this one which is low

My higher nature you must know

The very Life, by which sustained

The cosmos is maintained

Bhagavad Gita 7:5

In the body of the God of gods

Arjuna could behold

The universe converged in one

And yet divided in many-fold

Bhagavad Gita 11:13

Behold the total universe

In My body you can see,

With moving and unmoving things,

All else you want to see

Bhagavad Gita 11:7

Surya Majapahit (the Sun of Majapahit) describes how great Buddhism being influenced by Hindu and local cults during that period. These selected verses of Bhagavad Gita probably are the easiest way to depict the concept of macro and microcosm in Buda Parwa[5] during Majapahit era. There are men as microcosm, with higher nature – the universe as macrocosm. Yet, the whole universe converged in one as microcosm to the sacred body of men (depicted as Krishna in human form), as macrocosm. It puts everything in its place, rules relation between men and nature, as well as relation between men and their divine spirit, which hold the whole universe.

This concept permeated into religious system, with local animism as the base; thus implemented in everyday life. It also defines how spaces regard into places. As religion was a legitimation for kings since the era of earlier kingdom like Salakanagara; it was not difficult to apply such thing also for Majapahit’s benefit. Hierarchy and orders based on the same cosmology applied for governmental system, social conduct, art, as well as space creation and orientation. Homes, settlements, cities, port, are all follows the major model of Kutaraja, the capital city with the palace compound. The forrest and other green open space are all kept as a sacred place and are forbidden to enter without any proper ceremony; the social system act as natural guard to this unwritten law. It was again adat, which act as guardian of this system and secured by council of elders and priests. The king being praised as divine-avatar and bears the title “Maharaja”.

In this system, kraton (imperial palace) is the governmental and cultural center[6]. Kraton and its compound being regarded as homogenic space, a blessed space which became sacred and being a miniature of macrocosm. The center of which is the King’s chamber,  “dalem ageng”[7]; a connotation of Mahameru’s[8] Peak.  It is circled by a ring of “Negara  agung”[9], with inner courtyard as an outer limit. The next ring is called “mancanegara” (outer area), which is outside the limit of inner courtyard – but still inside the compound and kraton’s terrace; used for King’s audiences. The King could mostly be seen in dalem ageng, then in negara agung; and only regularly seen during the audiences in mancanegara. After that, there is pesisir and then siti inggil, built structure between kraton and a large open space called alun-alun. Areas outside the ring on which alun-alun are placed, called “daerah sabrang” (lit. area across) – stand on the last hierarchy of the compound.  

If you visit Surakarta (Solo, Central Java) or Yogyakarta (Special Province Yogyakarta) today, where the Sultans as God-Kings resided;   there are still kraton compounds following exactly the same cosmology as survived legacy of this great empire.  

The space orientation of the capital city, as well as then followed by cities all around Majapahit’s vassals; are being fitted to the same cosmology – as depicted by “Surya Majapahit”. Shiva at the center, for highest hierarchy; then it gradually transforms to more sacred or profane space like orientation to the north as more sacred place than the south. Therefore, every open space and built structure inside the kraton compound and settlements are ordered under this system. As shown in ancient Salakanagara, limits are very important here. Houses of ministers and peasant settlements are being built around kraton compound, with regional regents to lead every one of them. People are not allowed to enter the compound without particular reason. But there, lies inside the palace compound were a place open for people. Still considers sacred as it located inside the compound, yet it stands on the outer ring as gate to the macrocosm. This place takes a form of a large open space, with two sacred banyan trees planted in the center and lines of trees enclosed. It is called “Alun-alun”.

There are two large open spaces in the capital city of Majapahit. One placed north to the kraton, and the other on the south. The one in the north is considered more sacred, compare to the other; thus makes it a more important place for ceremonies and celebrations, besides its role as symbol of the King’s reign and power. It is placed at the center, north to the kraton; with a temple of Shiva on its East side, makes a very strong relation between kraton, alun-alun, and the religious place. It is enclosed by streets and major roads lead out of the compound. It was used to held important celebrations and religious ceremonies and rituals, as at once symbolically shows the divine power of the king. South alun-alun is a more profane place, yet it is not a regular place as it is still within a sacred compound of kraton. It was used for military rehearsal and is open for people to do everyday market and festivals. 

The early concept of alun-alun as described above, is what makes it different from the Greek “agora”. It was not created by means of democracy over people supremacy; instead politically it was created by means of the supreme power of the king, and divinely created as a sacred place offered in ceremonies to the gods. It was a symbol of harmony and between macro and microcosm, a gate to kraton as a macrocosm. Bears a legacy of ancient animism, it was also used for festival and market.

Thus it happened, spaces being defined into places and the King supremacy assured by divinely symbols in places and faith upon micro and macrocosm. It is only logic that this concept became vital and so being applied all around the empire, from the core area of Majapahit to the tributary vassals; and so made its way to penetrate the realm of Sunda-Galuh as a close neighboring state.

Riung Mungpulung and Reinterpretation of “Lapang Tegalan”[10]

Nobody knows for sure if the concept of alun-alun derived from the ancient sacred ground in the form of lapang tegalan. But since the animism cult in Java was a development from earlier settlement rooted in Sundanese culture, it was only natural for people during that period to accept the concept as it similar and in line with their culture.  The influence of Javanese culture can be seen in simple social life in Sunda with its ladang culture[11]. Hindunese caste system was never really being used in the Sundanese culture, and so never got into the social relation in the society. The result is guided old rituals that being synchronized with the coming of sawah culture[12], which mainly Javanese.

The old rituals are being fitted and synchronized, with main component intact. Food and the cycle of rice are always regarded as vital, thus raises the need of riung mungpulung: a feast, a social gathering, a must. The migration of the Javanese with the sawah culture brought the concept of ‘bale patemon’[13] into everyday-life in settlements, cities and ‘dayeuh’ [capital city]. It acts like a miniature of alun-alun in the settlements, despite that it is not a real open space. With its roof, it differs itself from alun-alun and made a simple solution towards the hot weather. It was then used like terraces in houses compound, a profane social space for neighbors to gather and develop a fraternal-like relation.

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[1]Today West Sumatera

[2] Covered parts of Malaysia today: Pahang, Johor, Selangor and Kedah, Langkasuka, Trengganu and Kelantan, Kedah, Jerai and Kanjapiniran.

[3] Today Singapore

[4] See Glossary (B 1)

[5] A form of syncretism between Hindu, Buddha and local cults, as Stated in Purwaka Caruban manuscript

[6] Handinoto, “Alun-alun Sebagai Identitas Kota Jawa, Dulu dan Sekarang”, p.3

[7] Javanese, lit. “great inside”

[8] Sacred volcano Mahameru, place of the afterlife.

[9] Lit. “Big state”

[10] See Glossary (A 4)

[11] See Glossary (B 4)

[12] See Glossary (B 6)

[13] See Glossary (A 3)

The Sacred Ground in the Land of Nyi Pohaci

A Young Nation State within Ancient Civilization

It was around the fourth millennium of Kali Yuga. The calendar was lunisolar Caka Sunda, and people recognize it as ‘wesiyuga’ - the age of metal. Beyond the horizon, another calendar began its age – they called it 1^st century AD.  A huge economic change took place because of the opening of a new maritime route, led to an economic boom when the trade between the Roman empire and India was at its peak[1]. 400 years of busy trade and maritime exploration in the western part of Sunda islands boosted the community development in a thriving young kingdom called Salakanagara. The young nation-state was changing its political system from mandala[2] to kingdom, and struggling to compete with surrounding neighbors. It strengthen its maritime vanguard to tame the pirates, open diplomatic relations with the Han in China and the Kushan in India; while striving to maintain and develop its role in the maritime trade route. Stretched from western Java, with all the islands around Sunda Strait - to southern coast of Sumatera, “Salakanagara” (means kota perak in Bahasa Indonesia: city of silver); as its name suggests, has silver, gold, iron and other metal as basic trade commodity.

Along with other Austronesian-language speaker, people in Salakanagara are bound with old tradition and philosophy based on faith upon ancestor worship and animism. Everyday life is very simple, but social conduct and routines are all centered to the ceremonies and rituals with symbols, offerings, and taboos. Jatisunda[3] - how the belief called, regulates the governmental administration, religiosity, and living ethics; based upon functionalization of human being’s congenital body and soul. People live with legends and stories about the great Mt. Sunda, and the many little remain volcanoes which blessed the land with abundance and fertile soil. Preservation of soil highly protected by  respect to the powerful mother-earth, and a belief upon spirits. The very same beliefs also make some plateau communities live as half-nomads, thus make possible for the “guriang tanah” (spirit of the ground) to remain exist and regenerate.

Dry and wet paddy-field spreads all around the kingdom, indicates the existence of communities and settlements. Harvest and planting phase are highly considered sacred. The rice deity Shri, or locally called Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Sri; is a highly praised goddess who rules life with her control over foodstuffs and death. Having both earth and celestial power, she is the goddess of the underworld and the moon, which enables her to control the monsoon and thus the time of rice ripening. With her power upon the cycle of life – which manifests in the plant and harvest time of rice, Nyi Pohaci plays a great role within the life in the community. Her name represents the founder of the first settlement and the smooth surface of disrupted earth suitable for construction or agriculture. She is also “anginsari” (the eye of the wind) – act as the central point for spatial orientation.[4]

It is only natural for the people, to consider womanhood as something sacred. Why? Because Sri also stands for rice, and her place is in the “goah” (lit. womb, a name for rice storage) – that makes a structure a home. It is the very center and the heart of a structure, the most female space; from which then it gradually shifts to other space to include the house and the yard as a whole – with male spaces that related to nature hierarchically subordinate to it.[5] Thus this, with other concepts revolving around the faith of Nyi Pohaci – shapes and enclosed the everyday-life of people in Salakanagara.

Space into Place

Baeu bangeut Nyi Pohaci,

Bade dek dicandak dibawa

Dirawu, dipangku ku paibuan

Dilungsur linggih

Calik ka Nyi Pohaci

Durung bebek pancur iman

Nu sasiki matak mahi

Nu sabangsal nu matak nyesa

Sri nu diteuteupkeunana

Sri un neuteupkeunana

(Come Nyi Pohaci,

You shall be taken, you shall be carried,

You shall be upheld,

You shall be seated in the lap of the community of women,

Invited to take your seat by Nyi Pohaci

Fountain of faith, it is not full

One grain shall be enough,

One unhulled grain shall be sufficient

Sri it is who is placed

Sri it is who places.)

For the simple life in Salakanagara, food is the center of culture. The cycle of rice represents a cycle of life, and this cycle is the center of faith. An evolving myth permeates, like a drop of water on a piece of dry cloth.  Faith, based on a gratitude and hope upon the ground and the earth – forms a very strong devotion and dependence to the generous Nyi Pohaci and Her rules. This way of life – typically in highland plateau and flatland in the riverbanks, are common to those who reside and practice the ladang culture[6]. This is the center and the heart of life, from which then it influenced the other communities in the coastal area. For just as important it is to the social conduct in everyday life, the very same faith and cosmology applies for how people regard and act toward space.

Settlements are places. Settlements are spaces which became places. Determined by Nyi Pohaci herself, a settlement represents her grace – where the earth could bear fruits and perfect grains are born. Thus, the land where a settlement grows is a sacred land, from which people get their life; and for which they should present gratitude and offerings. People dwelled and people developed. With the maritime routes, hard nature, traders and pirates- coastal communities are traders and the vanguard naval armies. They developed the trading methods, secured the peripheries and made connections to other people with other cultures. Blessed by the fertile soil, nicer nature and security advantages – upland communities developed more on cultural activity and producing rice. There are people with sawah culture[7], they were more settle. The others follow a more hardcore faith of “guriang tanah”, and thus developed the ladang culture[8]. These upland communities who address themselves as “women community” are those who thrive and developed the faith, culture and art. They lived in highland plateaus or along the river, to where they could find a really good soil for the ladangs. Their settlements are always more secluded, with simple houses, buildings and social spaces covered with symbols and significance.

Everything has its own place. This phrase might approximately depict how the space becoming place there. Up on high hilly land, laid “makam karuhun” (graveyard of ancestors) where the village founders are buried, bind individuals to the community and earth. Enclosed the graveyard, is the sacred forest, from which the upstream sprung and the river flows to the village. It represents “hulu-dayeuh - lemah” (lit. means ‘upstream-downstream – earth) or “lemah-cai[9]” (lit. earth-water); means birthplace – or where the life begins.    It is honored and conserved, protected by “adat[10]”.

Then it is just normal to call old Bandung city as “dayeuh kolot” (lit. old downstream); as it being a settlement, follows the same concept as old settlement

For the respect of the earth as mother, the land where they take things for their life, limits are important. There are limits for their daily life, limits for their places, and limits for their settlement. Physically, of course it appears as enclosures: fences around, or even only flag points on several important place including the cemetery. Mentally, it ruled by adat. Thus happen accordingly, spaces becoming places worth for agriculture and living.

The houses are in lines. Hatch roofs are in shapes of saddle or mountain peaks, with names related to the shapes. Gutters are made of bamboo, joined to enclosed and  touch one another to other gutter across the neighborhood street. Under which, a free semi open space formed; where the children happily shower during the rainy season, or plays with their friends as parents watch from inside the house or terraces. There are no fences around the home units, and the structure is humble and simple. Large bamboo poles with stone foundation, raised floor with space for animals underneath. Terraces covered with entwined bamboo flooring, where ‘bale’[s] placed for welcoming the travellers. Strong fraternal bond with high tolerance, allow them to warmly welcome the strangers. Mothers chat, children plays, and fathers have their afternoon drink on these terraces. Then there, center to the spread of houses and close to the caretaker place – is a big open space; free without fences, and easily reached from all direction. That is the sacred ground.

A Sacred Ground of Nyi Pohaci, and Riung Mungpulung

Winding cloud marches in cavalcade, over a silvery-blue afternoon sky. The sun is low, the breeze is colder, while the horizon gleaming in pinky-orange sprays. Sound of rice pestles heard in distant, the air is light and clear, while a solemn silence creeps along streets and alleyways. On thin translucent breath, scent of incence from a brazier slithers slowly and bursts in puffy white smoke. Women and men walk in procession with offerings. At the end of the path, a large open field full of harvest paddy, arranged in piles. It’s not lawn, it’s not square, it is only an empty field. Yet it’s not simply a regular field, it’s not just a field. It is a sacred ground, belongs and presented to the great goddess - mother of rice and guardian of moon.

This empty field; is a place to held ceremony or ritual for many occasions like new or full moon, seed or harvest time. Open and free, it can be reach from many streets and alleyways leads to houses. No fences, no walls and no roof; but it’s enclosed by housing compounds around and important buildings. Its function in everyday life was closely related to the cycle of rice. It was used to dry the harvested rice, as well as open season rituals; gathering yields of other commodities as well as for people to do barter and trading market. Rice, vegetables and fruits as main commodities were brought to this place from all around and neighboring settlements. People gather and eat together, as old custom and faith made them they live as communal society, with communal culture.

When people interact and active as a communal society, the space where they act in specific time together thus became a place, a social space which then contains social spirit of the people and their social activity. There, around the land where today’s Bandung sits; old locality shaped its influence to the space in early developing urban space.

“Berdekatannya mendirikan rumah karena masih terikat oleh “riung mungpulung”, … hubungan keluarga terjalin dengan erat dengan saling mencicipi masakan yang diantar dari dapur ke dapur. (The house are built adjacent one another because they bind by “riung mungpulung”, … fraternal-like relationship firmly established with some habit of tasting food which being brought from kitchen to kitchen.” ~Edi S. Ekadjati~

“Riung mungpulung: bari ngariung, urang mulung”

In times they gather in one place, with food

dishes and snacks, rice and vegetables,

water or tea, coffee and rice wine

placed in the center or distributed around

They eat, they chat, they laugh and tell stories

Old couple to their grandchildren,

Girls and boys, ladies to husbands

Neighbors to neighbors

priests, puun and caretaker

Eat and drink and tell stories,

From small groups to larger ones

From terraces to the sacred ground

Riung mungpulung: while gather, I scavenge. Longing of food brought by rice-oriented culture deeply penetrates this social habit. It is a need for gather to eat, and for eat to gather. It is always a feast, a festivity regards like other ritual and ceremonies. Food is as sacred as the origin of it. Along with it, interaction was being kept like fraternal relation. Thus, over time, the space in which the activity performed became place of interaction, place of riung mungpulung. 

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[1] Paul M. Munoz, “Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula” (2006) p. 72

[2] The term “mandala” proposed by O.W. Wolters as a metaphor to designate either a sphere of influence (recognizable territory without clear boundaries) or a specific territory in Southeast Asian history – see O.W. Wolters, “History, Culture and Religion in Southeast Asian Perspectives (1999) p.141.

[3] As written in “Carita Parahiyangan” manuscript.

[4] Eisha Niyogi De, “Trans-status subject: Gender in the Globalization of South and Southeast Asia” p.90

[5] Reimar Schefold, P. Nas, “Indonesian House: Survey of Vernacular Architecture in Western Indonesia” p.539

[6] See Glossary (B 3-4)

[7] See Glossary (B 5-6)

[8] See Glossary (B 3-4)

[9] See Glossary (C 1)

[10] See Glossary (B 7)